Wednesday, August 29, 2012
Saturday, August 11, 2012
After 20 years, mother ends silence on ABSDF ordeal
Pic: Ma ThanegiDAW Myint Myint Kyi, 62,
After 20 years, mother ends silence on ABSDF ordeal
ShareBy Ma Thanegi
Volume 32, No. 638
August 06 - 12, 2012
Type by Nang Aung Htwe Kyi အေပၚက အေၾကာင္းအရာေတြကကို
သတင္းစာထဲက ေရးသားခ်က္ေတြကို copy လုပ္ျပီးတင္ထားေပးတာပါ။ က်မေရးတာမဟုတ္ပါ။
Daw Myint Myint Kyi at her home in Yangon.
runs a small parikkara (monk
utensil) shop out of the front room of her ground floor flat and is a
devout Buddhist. It was her strong faith that saw her through 1992: a
year of unimaginable terror.
“At times, I even wanted to kill myself,” she told The Myanmar Times in a recent interview. “The only thing that kept me alive was that I knew I must save my son at all costs.”
After 20 years, the story can finally be told.
Her youngest son Bo Bo was involved in the 1988 uprising as a 14-year-old ninth-grader and soon after fled across the border to join the Northern Burma branch of the armed student group, All Burma Students’ Democratic Front (ABSDF-NB), based just inside Myanmar near Sama, a border town with China. The camp was in a Kachin Independence Army-controlled area and inaccessible from the Myanmar side. The only possible route was to cross from Muse to Ruili on the China side of the border in northern Shan State, where supporters and members of the ABSDF lived, and re-enter Myanmar further north with their guidance.
In early 1992, U Maung Maung of Mandalay – an older brother of one of Bo Bo’s colleagues – heard disquieting news about conditions at the ABSDF camp and had managed to visit. (See related story).
He learned that his brother, Nyi Nyi, was among the students that had been accused of being officers of Military Intelligence (MI), arrested and tortured in order to extract confessions. On February 12, 1992, 15 ABSDF (NB) members-turned-prisoners, including Htun Aung Kyaw, a former “chairman” of the group, were executed. In a camp of about 300, more than 100 were accused of working for MI.
Bo Bo, who went across the border at barely 15 years of age, was accused of being an MI captain.
U Maung Maung talked several times about his brother’s situation with Thangyaung, the ABSDF (NB) “chief of staff”, his deputy, Myo Win, and Ronald Aung Naing, the group’s former “general secretary” who became “chairman” after Htun Aung Kyaw was conveniently removed from office.
However, Nyi Nyi was not released so U Maung Maung stubbornly stayed on in the camp.
“At times, I even wanted to kill myself,” she told The Myanmar Times in a recent interview. “The only thing that kept me alive was that I knew I must save my son at all costs.”
After 20 years, the story can finally be told.
Her youngest son Bo Bo was involved in the 1988 uprising as a 14-year-old ninth-grader and soon after fled across the border to join the Northern Burma branch of the armed student group, All Burma Students’ Democratic Front (ABSDF-NB), based just inside Myanmar near Sama, a border town with China. The camp was in a Kachin Independence Army-controlled area and inaccessible from the Myanmar side. The only possible route was to cross from Muse to Ruili on the China side of the border in northern Shan State, where supporters and members of the ABSDF lived, and re-enter Myanmar further north with their guidance.
In early 1992, U Maung Maung of Mandalay – an older brother of one of Bo Bo’s colleagues – heard disquieting news about conditions at the ABSDF camp and had managed to visit. (See related story).
He learned that his brother, Nyi Nyi, was among the students that had been accused of being officers of Military Intelligence (MI), arrested and tortured in order to extract confessions. On February 12, 1992, 15 ABSDF (NB) members-turned-prisoners, including Htun Aung Kyaw, a former “chairman” of the group, were executed. In a camp of about 300, more than 100 were accused of working for MI.
Bo Bo, who went across the border at barely 15 years of age, was accused of being an MI captain.
U Maung Maung talked several times about his brother’s situation with Thangyaung, the ABSDF (NB) “chief of staff”, his deputy, Myo Win, and Ronald Aung Naing, the group’s former “general secretary” who became “chairman” after Htun Aung Kyaw was conveniently removed from office.
However, Nyi Nyi was not released so U Maung Maung stubbornly stayed on in the camp.
Finally
Myo Win agreed that U Maung Maung’s brother and the other prisoners who
had confessed would be released to their parents along with their
letters of confession, which were to be delivered by U Maung Maung. If
the parents did not com
e within one month to collect their children the prisoners would be executed.
Six other prisoners, including Bo Bo and a girl, Nan Aung Htwe Kyi, confessed and wrote to their parents; too many of their comrades had died under the brutal torture handed out by ABSDF (NB) leaders.
U Maung Maung went back and made another trip with five mothers and one father; they agreed that it would be less dangerous for women than men. Apart from U Maung Maung and Daw Myint Myint Kyi, there was Daw Khin Hnin Kyi, mother of Nan Aung Htwe Kyi; Daw Than Sein, mother of Ye Lin; Daw Yi Yi Khin, mother of Wunna Zaw; Daw Khin San, mother of Nyi Nyi Aung; and U Aye Naing, father of Kyaw Naing Oo.
The anxious party arrived at camp on the evening of March 19, 1992. Myo Win was conveniently away and Aung Naing, the “chairman”, was in charge. After two days of waiting the parents were allowed to meet their children.
While the other parents were soon hugging their children, Daw Myint Myint Kyi had to wait for more than an hour to see Bo Bo.
“I found out afterwards that they could not find the key to the shackles and had to cut him free … he told me later that when the chains were finally off, he thought he would float away, he felt so light,” she said.
The chains were made of links as thick as a man’s thumb.
When U Maung Maung saw Nyi Nyi on his first trip to the camp, his brother had been wearing blood-encrusted clothing. Perhaps the camp leaders were savvier this time because when Daw Myint Myint Kyi finally saw Bo Bo, he was in a brand new uniform. But, unwashed, the signs of the torture remained: his face was bloated, black and blue with bruises, there was still encrusted blood on his nostrils and ears, and he was barely able to walk after months in shackles.
“Really, I did not recognise him at first,” Daw Myint Myint Kyi said. “His face was so bloated and covered with bruises, his lips pale, his hair scraggly and he was tottering with weakness. He had also grown much taller than the 14-year-old I last saw. I was nonplussed, not sure if it was him, so I took his hand in mine and gently bent his fingers backwards … you see, my son could bend his fingers to touch the back of his hand! When I did that, he knew why and he smiled … and I knew that smile; it was my son.”
She later found out from someone else that fish hooks had been inserted into his nostrils and ears and the lines pulled up so high that he had to stand hours on tiptoe to avoid having his flesh torn off; it was just one of the many inventive torture methods he endured. He never said anything about it to his family after the first time he casually brought it up in conversation because it caused his mother to break down into uncontrollable sobs.
At the sight of their parents, the students broke down in tears and begged to be taken home, asking the parents to “do whatever the camp officers ask then to do”. In the flowing days there was no definite answer from Aung Naing and the parents repeatedly said to him and anyone within earshot that they would not leave without their children.
One day the parents were shown a video of their children being politely interrogated and the accused, wearing good clothing and unchained, immediately confessing to their crimes; it was so obviously a sham and after the show, Aung Naing announced there had been a change of plans and that he was not going to release the children. There was an instant uproar of anger and protests from the parents.
Six other prisoners, including Bo Bo and a girl, Nan Aung Htwe Kyi, confessed and wrote to their parents; too many of their comrades had died under the brutal torture handed out by ABSDF (NB) leaders.
U Maung Maung went back and made another trip with five mothers and one father; they agreed that it would be less dangerous for women than men. Apart from U Maung Maung and Daw Myint Myint Kyi, there was Daw Khin Hnin Kyi, mother of Nan Aung Htwe Kyi; Daw Than Sein, mother of Ye Lin; Daw Yi Yi Khin, mother of Wunna Zaw; Daw Khin San, mother of Nyi Nyi Aung; and U Aye Naing, father of Kyaw Naing Oo.
The anxious party arrived at camp on the evening of March 19, 1992. Myo Win was conveniently away and Aung Naing, the “chairman”, was in charge. After two days of waiting the parents were allowed to meet their children.
While the other parents were soon hugging their children, Daw Myint Myint Kyi had to wait for more than an hour to see Bo Bo.
“I found out afterwards that they could not find the key to the shackles and had to cut him free … he told me later that when the chains were finally off, he thought he would float away, he felt so light,” she said.
The chains were made of links as thick as a man’s thumb.
When U Maung Maung saw Nyi Nyi on his first trip to the camp, his brother had been wearing blood-encrusted clothing. Perhaps the camp leaders were savvier this time because when Daw Myint Myint Kyi finally saw Bo Bo, he was in a brand new uniform. But, unwashed, the signs of the torture remained: his face was bloated, black and blue with bruises, there was still encrusted blood on his nostrils and ears, and he was barely able to walk after months in shackles.
“Really, I did not recognise him at first,” Daw Myint Myint Kyi said. “His face was so bloated and covered with bruises, his lips pale, his hair scraggly and he was tottering with weakness. He had also grown much taller than the 14-year-old I last saw. I was nonplussed, not sure if it was him, so I took his hand in mine and gently bent his fingers backwards … you see, my son could bend his fingers to touch the back of his hand! When I did that, he knew why and he smiled … and I knew that smile; it was my son.”
She later found out from someone else that fish hooks had been inserted into his nostrils and ears and the lines pulled up so high that he had to stand hours on tiptoe to avoid having his flesh torn off; it was just one of the many inventive torture methods he endured. He never said anything about it to his family after the first time he casually brought it up in conversation because it caused his mother to break down into uncontrollable sobs.
At the sight of their parents, the students broke down in tears and begged to be taken home, asking the parents to “do whatever the camp officers ask then to do”. In the flowing days there was no definite answer from Aung Naing and the parents repeatedly said to him and anyone within earshot that they would not leave without their children.
One day the parents were shown a video of their children being politely interrogated and the accused, wearing good clothing and unchained, immediately confessing to their crimes; it was so obviously a sham and after the show, Aung Naing announced there had been a change of plans and that he was not going to release the children. There was an instant uproar of anger and protests from the parents.
While
they were still arguing, Aung Naing’s face brightened. He said that he
was sure their children would not want to go back. The parents replied
that their children had begged to be taken home at which Aung Naing told
them to “ask them a
gain tomorrow and let’s see what they say”.
The next day the parents met their children and predictably they all said they wanted to remain at camp and, with some urgency, kept asking the parents to leave.
Daw Myint Myint Kyi suspected something was amiss.
“I put my arms around Bo Bo’s neck, kissed his cheek and whispered into his ear: did they threaten you? … And he murmured yes.”
Later she found out that Aung Naing had told them he “would not take responsibility for the safety of the parents if they stayed”.
A few days later the parents were shown statements signed by their children that they were MI officers and the parents were made to sign prepared statements saying they knew their children to be MI officers. Before she signed Daw Myint Myint Kyi stared Aung Naing in the face and said: “I am signing this statement only because I am being coerced to do so; my son is not an MI agent.”
Aung Naing said that as Nyi Nyi Aung, Wunna Zaw, and Bo Bo (who had managed to bargain his alleged rank down to sergeant) were non-officers they would be released if the parents came back for them in a few months time.
On April 3 the parents were, for the first time, allowed to meet their children without supervision. Then the stories of the torture and executions came out; those who had not confessed to the accusations were murdered in cold blood. One was Khin Cho Oo, who was gang-raped and spikes driven into her vagina. The torture went on for weeks until Thangyaung threatened to behead her and she grimly replied, “CS, just shoot me in the head.” He did.
The parents, in tears, went home two days later. In June, 55 prisoners escaped and Daw Myint Myint Kyi realised her son would be in greater danger. In September, she and Daw Khin San, the mother of Nyi Nyi Aung, went back again but their attempts to reach the camp were unsuccessful. In March 1993 they went back again and, this time with great difficulty, reached the camp.
Daw Myint Myint Kyi and Daw Khin San asked for the release of their sons, as well as Wunna Zaw, whose mother had begged them to also bring her son home. But Aung Naing still refused to free the boys for some days, giving one excuse after another.
Finally, one morning Aung Naing agreed but said the “paperwork” would not be finished until 5pm. He suggested they stay the night in the camp but the two mothers and three sons left immediately; they were not going to spend one more minute in that hellhole.
“The story needs to be told,” Daw Myint Myint Kyi said. “Our children, over 100 of them, were branded as traitors, tortured and many were massacred. They deserve vindication and justice.”
The next day the parents met their children and predictably they all said they wanted to remain at camp and, with some urgency, kept asking the parents to leave.
Daw Myint Myint Kyi suspected something was amiss.
“I put my arms around Bo Bo’s neck, kissed his cheek and whispered into his ear: did they threaten you? … And he murmured yes.”
Later she found out that Aung Naing had told them he “would not take responsibility for the safety of the parents if they stayed”.
A few days later the parents were shown statements signed by their children that they were MI officers and the parents were made to sign prepared statements saying they knew their children to be MI officers. Before she signed Daw Myint Myint Kyi stared Aung Naing in the face and said: “I am signing this statement only because I am being coerced to do so; my son is not an MI agent.”
Aung Naing said that as Nyi Nyi Aung, Wunna Zaw, and Bo Bo (who had managed to bargain his alleged rank down to sergeant) were non-officers they would be released if the parents came back for them in a few months time.
On April 3 the parents were, for the first time, allowed to meet their children without supervision. Then the stories of the torture and executions came out; those who had not confessed to the accusations were murdered in cold blood. One was Khin Cho Oo, who was gang-raped and spikes driven into her vagina. The torture went on for weeks until Thangyaung threatened to behead her and she grimly replied, “CS, just shoot me in the head.” He did.
The parents, in tears, went home two days later. In June, 55 prisoners escaped and Daw Myint Myint Kyi realised her son would be in greater danger. In September, she and Daw Khin San, the mother of Nyi Nyi Aung, went back again but their attempts to reach the camp were unsuccessful. In March 1993 they went back again and, this time with great difficulty, reached the camp.
Daw Myint Myint Kyi and Daw Khin San asked for the release of their sons, as well as Wunna Zaw, whose mother had begged them to also bring her son home. But Aung Naing still refused to free the boys for some days, giving one excuse after another.
Finally, one morning Aung Naing agreed but said the “paperwork” would not be finished until 5pm. He suggested they stay the night in the camp but the two mothers and three sons left immediately; they were not going to spend one more minute in that hellhole.
“The story needs to be told,” Daw Myint Myint Kyi said. “Our children, over 100 of them, were branded as traitors, tortured and many were massacred. They deserve vindication and justice.”
အန္တီေဒၚျမင့္ျမင့္ၾကည္
— with ဘရာဇီး ငွက္ရိုး, Ko Lin Wai Aung and Nang Aung Htwe Kyi.
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about an hour ago ·
Wednesday, August 1, 2012
University Act 2012 ( Draft )
ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ က ျပင္ဆင္ရန္ ေဆြးေႏြးေသာ ေရးဆြဲၿပီးသား ၂ဝ၁၂ ခုႏွစ္ တကၠသိုလ္ ပညာေရး ဥပေဒၾကမ္း ကို ေဆြးေႏြးျခင္း ေရႊ႕ဆိုင္း ၿပီး လႊတ္ေတာ္မွ ျပန္ လည္ေရးဆြဲရန္ ျပည္သူ႔ လႊတ္ေတာ္ ဥကၠ႒က ေျပာ ၾကားလိုက္သည္။ ျပည္သူ႔လႊတ္ေတာ္ကိုယ္စားလွယ
းစုၾကည္က
”ဒီဥပေဒၾကမ္းကို ကြၽန္မ အင္မတန္ မွ စိတ္ဝင္စား ခဲ့တာေၾကာင့္ လႊတ္ေတာ္ကို
စတက္ကတည္းက ဥကၠ႒ႀကီးကို ျပည္သူ႔လႊတ္ေတာ္ ဥပေဒ ၁ဝ(ခ)အရေရာ၊ ျပည္သူ႔
လႊတ္ေတာ္နည္း ဥပေဒ ၁၅၈ (င)အရ ေရာ တင္သြင္းခဲ့ပါတယ္။
ဥပေဒ ၾကမ္းတစ္ခုကို
မည္သည့္အဆင့္ ေရာက္ေစ ကာမူ ဥကၠ႒ႀကီးရဲ႕ သေဘာတူညီခ်က္နဲ႔ အဆိုတင္ သြင္းဖို႔
ေျပာခဲ့ပါတယ္။
ဒါေပမဲ့ ျပင္ဆင္ ခ်က္ဇယားအရပဲ ျပင္ဆင္လို႔ ေျပာၾကားခဲ့ပါတယ္။
ဒါေၾကာင့္ တတ္ႏိုင္သေလာက္ ထည့္သြင္း ျပင္ဆင္ခဲ့ပါတယ္။
ဒါေပမဲ့ ဒါဟာ
မလုံေလာက္ပါဘူး။
တကၠသိုလ္ ပညာေရး နဲ႔ပတ္သက္လို႔ အမ်ားႀကီး
က်ယ္က်ယ္ျပန္႔ျပန္႔ ေဆြးေႏြးခ်င္ပါတယ္။
ျပည္သူ႔လႊတ္ေတာ္႐ုံး က ေနာက္ က်
သြားၿပီဆိုတဲ့အတြက္ ေဆြးေႏြးခြင့္ မရခဲ့ပါဘူး။
ဒီဥပေဒ တစ္ခု လုံးကို
ျပန္လည္သုံးသပ္ေဆြး ေႏြးသင့္တယ္လို႔ ကြၽန္မ ယုံၾကည္ပါတယ္။
ဒါေၾကာင့္
ဥကၠ႒ႀကီးနဲ႔တကြ ျပည္သူ႔လႊတ္ေတာ္ကိုယ္စားလွယ္
အားလုံးဟာ
ဒီလို ျပည္သူ႔ လႊတ္ ေတာ္ဥပေဒအရ၊ နည္းဥပေဒအရ ျဖစ္ႏိုင္ရင္
ဥပေဒ
တစ္ခုလုံးကို ျပန္ လည္ေဆြးေႏြးၿပီးေတာ့
ဒီႏိုင္ငံ၊ ဒီကာလနဲ႔ ဒီကမၻာႀကီးနဲ႔
ပိုၿပီး သင့္ေတာ္တဲ့ ဥပေဒၾကမ္း တစ္ခု ျဖစ္ေပၚ လာေရးအတြက္
လုပ္ေဆာင္ေပးၾကပါလို႔ ေမတၱာရပ္ခံခ်င္ပါတယ္”ဟု ေျပာၾကားခဲ့သည္။
ျပည္သူ႔လႊတ္ေတာ္ ကိုယ္စားလွယ္ ဦးသိန္းၫြန္႔က ေဒၚေအာင္ ဆန္းစုၾကည္၏
တင္ျပခ်က္ကို လႊတ္ေတာ္မွ အေကာင္အထည္ ေဖာ္ေပးမည္ဆုိပါက နည္းဥပေဒ ၁၅၈ အရ ၂ဝ၁၂
ခုႏွစ္ တကၠသိုလ္ ပညာေရး ဥပေဒ ကို ေရႊ႕ဆုိင္းေပး ရန္ ၾကားျဖတ္
အဆိုတင္သြင္းသည္။
ထုိ႔ျပင္ ျပည္သူ႔ လႊတ္ေတာ္ ကိုယ္စားလွယ္မ်ားျဖစ္ေသာ
ေဒၚတင္ႏြယ္ဦးက လက္ရွိေဆြးေႏြး ၿပီးေသာ အဆိုပါ ဥပေဒကို ကန္႔
ကြက္ေၾကာင္းႏွင့္ သူရဦးေအာင္ကို ကလည္း ပညာေရးဝန္ႀကီးဌာန၏ တင္သြင္းလာေသာ
ယင္းဥပေဒ သည္ ယေန႔ေခတ္ႏွင့္ ဆီေလ်ာ္မႈ မရွိေသာ ေၾကာင့္ ပယ္ဖ်က္ သင့္ေၾကာင္း
ေျပာ ၾကားေဆြးေႏြးခဲ့သည္။
”ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ တကၠသိုလ္မ်ား ကို အစိုးရထိန္း
ခ်ဳပ္ ေသာ ဗ်ဴ႐ို ကေရစီယႏၲရားပုံစံ သြင္းခဲ့တာ ေၾကာင့္ တစ္ခ်ိန္က အာရွမွာ
ေအာင္ျမင္ေက်ာ္ၾကားခဲ့တဲ့ ျမန္မာ့ ပညာေရးဟာ
အဆင့္အနိမ့္ဆုံး အေျခအေန
ေရာက္ေနသည္မွာ ႏွစ္ေပါင္း ၅ဝ ခန္႔ ၾကာျမင့္ၿပီျဖစ္ပါ တယ္။
ဒါေၾကာင့္
ပယ္ဖ်က္ သင့္ေၾကာင္း အေလးအနက္တင္ျပရ ျခင္း ျဖစ္ပါတယ္” ဟု သူရဦးေအာင္ ကိုက
ဆုိသည္။
ပညာေရး ဝန္ႀကီးဌာန ျပည္ေထာင္စု ဝန္ႀကီး ေဒါက္တာ ျမေအးက
ယင္းဥပေဒ
အား က်ယ္က်ယ္ ျပန္ ႔ျပန္႔ ေဆြးေႏြးေစခ်င္ေၾကာင္းႏွင့္
၄င္းတို႔ဝန္ႀကီးဌာနအေနျဖင့္
ႏုိင္ငံတကာ စံခ်ိန္မီ တကၠသိုလ္မ်ား အဆင့္မီေစရန္
ႀကိဳးစားသြား မည္
ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း ေျပာသည္။
ျပည္သူ႔လႊတ္ေတာ္ ဥကၠ႒ သူရဦးေရႊမန္းက ယင္းဥပေဒကို
ျပည္သူ႔ လႊတ္ေတာ္မွ ျပန္လည္ေရး ဆြဲမည္ ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း၊
ျပန္လည္ေရး ဆြဲသည့္ အခါ
လႊတ္ေတာ္တြင္ ဖြဲ႕စည္းထားေသာ
ဥပေဒေရးရာႏွင့္ အထူးေလ့လာ သုံးသပ္ေရး ေကာ္မ
ရွင္ရွိေၾကာင္း ေျပာၾကားသည္။
ယခု တင္သြင္းေဆြးေႏြးေန ေသာ ၂ဝ၁၂ ခုႏွစ္
တကၠသိုလ္ ပညာေရး ဥပေဒၾကမ္းသည္
၁၉၄၇ ခုႏွစ္ ဆုိရွယ္လစ္ စနစ္ကို အေထာက္
အကူျပဳခဲ့ေသာဥပေဒကို
အနည္းငယ္ ျပင္ဆင္ ထားေသာ ဥပေဒၾကမ္း ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း
သူရဦးေအာင္ကိုက လႊတ္ေတာ္တြင္ အတိအလင္းေျပာ ၾကားခဲ့သည္။
၃၁-၇-၂၀၁၂ ရက္ေန႔၌ ျပည္သူ႔လႊတ္ေတာ္တြင္ ပညာေရး ႏွင့္ပတ္သက္၍ ေဒၚတင္ႏြယ္ဦး က-
““ကၽြန္မ မေျပာသင့္ဘူးလုိ႔ ထင္ေပမယ့္ ဥကၠ႒ႀကီးေမးလုိ႔ ေျပာပါရေစ။ ဥပေဒၾကမ္းကုိ ပညာေရး၀န္ႀကီးကေနၿပီး ဥပေဒ ၾကမ္းလုိ ကၽြန္မတို႔ကို ခ်ျပၿပီး ေတာ့မွ ျပန္တမ္းထဲ ပါရမွာပါ။ ျပည္သူေတြအားလံုးက ၾကည့္ၿပီး တဲ့အခါက်မွ ကၽြန္မတို႔ ျပည္သူ႔ လႊတ္ေတာ္ကုိ ျပန္လာရမွာပါ။ အစကတည္းက ပ႐ုိစီဂ်ာ နည္း နည္းမွားတယ္လုိ႔ ကၽြန္မ ယူဆ ပါတယ္။ အခု ကၽြန္မကုိ ေထာက္ တဲ့အတြက္ ကၽြန္မကလည္း ပုဒ္မ ၁၅၂(ဂ)အရ ဥပေဒၾကမ္းေကာ္ မတီက ကၽြန္မတုိ႔ကုိ တင္ျပတဲ့ အတြက္ေၾကာင့္ ကၽြန္မကလည္း ပုဒ္ ၁၅၂(ဂ)ကုိၫႊန္းၿပီး ျပန္ၿပီး ခုခံေခ်ပဖုိ႔ လုပ္ပါတယ္။ ဒါက နံပါတ္(၁)အခ်က္၊ နံပါတ္(၂) အခ်က္က ကၽြန္မေျပာတဲ့ တက္ ေရာက္သင္ၾကားႏုိင္တဲ့ လူဦးေရနဲ႔ ပတ္သက္တဲ့ စာသင္ႏွစ္ဆုိတဲ့ ေခါင္းစဥ္ေအာက္မွာ ႏုိင္ငံတကာ တကၠသုိလ္မ်ားႏွင့္ သင္ၾကားေရး ကိစၥ စသည္တို႔ အစီအစဥ္ျပဳလုပ္ ျခင္းကိစၥ စသည္ဆုိၿပီးေတာ့ ပါပါ တယ္။ အဲဒါေၾကာင့္ ထပ္ၿပီး အေလးဂ႐ုျပဳၿပီး ေျပာတာပါ”” ဟု ေျပာၾကားသြားခဲ့သည္။
ဆက္လက္၍ ဦးသိန္းၫြန္႔ မွလည္း အဆိုတင္သြင္းခဲ့ပါသည္။
““ေလးစားရေသာ ျပည္သူ႔ လႊတ္ေတာ္ဥကၠ႒ႀကီးႏွင့္ ျပည္သူ႔ လႊတ္ေတာ္ ကုိယ္စားလွယ္မ်ား ခင္ဗ်ား။ အင္မတန္မွ ကၽြန္ေတာ္ တို႔ႏုိင္ငံရဲ႕ အနာဂတ္အတြက္ ေသေရးရွင္ေရးတမွ် အေရးႀကီး တဲ့ တကၠသုိလ္ပညာေရး ဥပေဒ ၾကမ္းကုိ အခုေရာက္ရွိေနတဲ့ အေရွ႕မွာ ကၽြန္ေတာ္တို႔ ၁၅၈(င) မွာပါတဲ့အတိုင္း ဒီဥပေဒၾကမ္း ေဆြးေႏြးျခင္းကုိ ေရႊ႕ဆုိင္းေပးဖုိ႔ ကၽြန္ေတာ္တုိ႔ႏုိင္ငံရဲ႕အက်
ထုိ႔ေနာက္ ေဒၚေအာင္ ဆန္းစုၾကည္ကလည္း ေအာက္ပါ အတိုင္း ေျပာၾကားခဲ့ပါတယ္။
““အဓိကက ခုနက ကုိယ္စား လွယ္ႏွစ္ဦး ေျပာသြားတဲ့အခ်က္ ေတြနဲ႔ ကၽြန္မျမင္ထားတဲ့ အခ်က္ ေတြဟာ အခု ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံက တကၠသုိလ္ေတြက ႏုိင္ငံျခား တကၠသုိလ္နဲ႔ ဆက္သြယ္ေရးကုိ အဓိကထားၿပီးေျပာတာ မဟုတ္ ပါဘူး။ တကၠသုိလ္မ်ားရဲ႕ လြတ္ လပ္စြာ လုပ္ပုိင္ခြင့္ရွိဖုိ႔အတြက္
ပညာေရး ၀န္ႀကီးဌာန ျပည္ ေထာင္စု ၀န္ႀကီး ေဒါက္တာ ျမေအး၏ယေန႔လုပ္ေဆာင္ခ်က္ နဲ႔ သေဘာထားကုိ လႊတ္ေတာ္ကုိ ျပန္လည္ရွင္းျပခဲ့ရာတြင္-
““ေလးစားအပ္ပါေသာ ျပည္ သူ႔လႊတ္ေတာ္ဥကၠ႒ႀကီးမ်ားနဲ႔
ေဒၚတင္ႏြယ္ဦးႏွင့္ ဦးသိန္း ၫြန္႔တို႔က ၎ကိစၥႏွင့္စပ္လ်ဥ္း၍ အဆိုတင္ရန္ “မုိက္ခြက္” ေတာင္း ရာ ျပည္သူ႔လႊတ္ေတာ္ဥကၠ႒ သူရ ဦးေရႊမန္းက-
““နည္းဥပေဒ ၁၅၈ ပုဒ္မခြဲ (ဃ)မွာ ဥပေဒၾကမ္းကုိ အတည္ ျပဳရန္အဆုိႏွင့္ စပ္လ်ဥ္း၍ ေဆြး ေႏြးခ်က္မွ ဥပေဒၾကမ္းကုိ ေထာက္ခံေသာအေၾကာင္းျပခ်က္ (သို႔) ဥပေဒၾကမ္းကုိပယ္ရန္ အေၾကာင္းျပခ်က္မ်ားသာျဖစ္ရ မည္။ ယင္းအေၾကာင္းျပခ်က္မ်ား ကုိ ရွင္းလင္းေစရန္မွတစ္ပါး ဥပေဒၾကမ္း၏အေသးစိတ္ကုိ ထည့္သြင္းေျပာဆုိျခင္းမျပဳရ
ထုိ႔ေနာက္ ျပည္သူ႔လႊတ္ ေတာ္ ဦးသိန္းၫြန္႔က အဆုိပါ ဥပေဒၾကမ္းကုိ က်ယ္က်ယ္ျပန္႔ ျပန္႔ ျပန္လည္ေဆြးေႏြးႏုိင္ရန္ အတြက္ ယခုေဆြးေႏြးမႈကုိ ရပ္ ဆုိင္းေပးပါရန္ လႊတ္ေတာ္သုိ႔ အဆိုတင္သည္။ ၎က
““ကၽြန္ေတာ္တို႔ ၂၀၁၂ တကၠသုိလ္ပညာေရး ဥပေဒၾကမ္း သည္ ကၽြန္ေတာ္တို႔ႏိုင္ငံသူ ႏုိင္ငံ သားမ်ားအတြက္ အင္မတန္ အေရးႀကီးတဲ့ ဥပေဒၾကမ္းျဖစ္ပါ တယ္။ ဒီဥပေဒၾကမ္းကုိ ဒီေန႔ ပညာေရး၀န္ႀကီး ေဆြးေႏြးတင္ျပ ခ်က္နဲ႔ မလံုေလာက္ပါဘူး။ ေနာက္တစ္ခါ ပညာေရးနဲ႔ ပတ္ သက္ၿပီးေတာ့ လြန္စြာမွ ေလ့လာ ၿပီး စိတ္၀င္စားတဲ့ ေကာ့မွဴး မဲဆႏၵနယ္ ျပည္သူ႔လႊတ္ေတာ္ ကုိယ္စားလွယ္ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္း စုၾကည္ရဲ႕ သေဘာဆႏၵကုိ ကၽြန္ ေတာ္တို႔ က်ယ္က်ယ္ျပန္႔ျပန္႔ ေလ့ လာဖုိ႔ လုိအပ္ပါတယ္။ အဲဒီလုိ အေျခအေနေတြေၾကာင့္ ပုိ၍ ျပည့္စံုေသာ၊ ပုိ၍ ႏုိင္ငံအက်ဳိး သက္ေရာက္ေသာ၊ အထူးသျဖင့္ ေက်ာင္းသားလူငယ္ေတြရဲ႕ အသံ ကုိပါ ကိုယ္စားျပဳႏုိင္ေသာ တကၠသုိလ္ပညာေရး မူၾကမ္း တစ္ခုကုိ ကၽြန္ေတာ္တို႔လႊတ္ ေတာ္က ထပ္မံေဆြးေႏြးႏုိင္ေရး အတြက္ ျပည္သူ႔လႊတ္ေတာ္ နည္းဥပေဒပုဒ္မ ၁၅၈ (င)အရ လႊတ္ေတာ္ဥကၠ႒က ခြင့္ျပဳတဲ့ အတြက္ ဒီေန႔ေဆြးေႏြးေနတဲ့ တကၠသုိလ္ပညာေရး ဥပေဒ မူၾကမ္းကုိ ေရႊ႕ဆုိင္းေပးဖုိ႔ ကၽြန္ ေတာ္ ေလးေလးနက္နက္ လႊတ္ ေတာ္ႀကီးကုိ တင္ျပအဆုိျပဳပါ တယ္””ဟု ေျပာၾကားလုိက္သည္။
လႊတ္ေတာ္ဥကၠ႒က ထုိ အဆုိကုိ လက္ခံေၾကာင္း၊ ယခု ေဆြးေႏြးမႈကုိ ရပ္ဆုိင္းလုိက္ ေၾကာင္း၊ ေနာက္မွ ဆက္လက္ ေဆြးေႏြးမည္ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း မိန္႔ ၾကားလုိက္ပါသည္။
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